johnhatchard.bsky.social
Vancouver Canada citizen passionate about the future of global democracy
Dedicated father. Aspiring activist. Voracious learner. Court Jester.
⏬ Bite-sized article threads with added links 📖 🍿 🔊
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At least Trump and Musk have one thing left in common: Mein Kanpf is their favorite bedtime read.
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I bet Musk has got orange pancake batter all over his face after eating Trump's ass the last few days.
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This is the way.
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Gavin Newsom has certainly went full circle these past months after leaning towards conservatism, but he's killing it right now.
Pissy Gavin ftw.
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I bet there's no shortage of descendants from these types of racist fucks that are licking their chops to lay some hurt in LA and beyond.
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Bannon wants to go a lot further than competitive authoritarianism.
The Fourth Reich certainly comes to mind.
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And the only book Trump gives a shit about is Mein Kampf.
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And the only book Trump gives a shit about is Mein Kampf.
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The Seven Mountain mandate certainly swings towards the antithesis of what you're wisely talking about here.
Trump would never be happy just as a competitive authoritarian like the rest of his fascist buddies.
Trump wants to supersize it. Dominionism.
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Yeah that's my biggest peeve there. You don't know until you try.
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Lol there are recent videos? Sounds like I'm missing out on something.
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Yep. We're all collectively a hot mess.
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I get how a priority was to find a way to get Petey going, and Tocchet kept swapping players around looking for magic.
But many things after Miller often weren't working in the top 6. So why wouldn't you try putting those three back together for a few games and see what happens? Tocchet didn't try.
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The Trump regime slow coup has been eroding democracy since Jan 6th, 2021.
The coup never stopped.
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Trump's regime has been performing a slow coup since Jan 6.
It never stopped.
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Fascism. A constant feeling of dread.
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Yeah that tracks.
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“The government fears nonetheless that incarceration has in no way sobered or calmed Hitler, rather compelled him to continue to pursue his goals with undiminished energy.”
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“Hitler is considered as stateless, and as a result of the refusal by Austria to receive him, his deportation is no longer possible,” Held lamented in an internal memorandum.
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Vienna argued that Hitler had forfeited his Austrian citizenship as a result of his service in a Bavarian regiment.
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A Bavarian delegation was dispatched to Vienna to discuss the handover, only to be told that the Austrians would under no circumstances allow the return of their native son.
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Held, then newly installed as minister president of Bavaria, moved to action. He prepared for Hitler’s immediate deportation to his Austrian homeland upon release from prison.
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“There is no doubt that Hitler, after his release from the detention facility will return to political life,” the warden cautioned. “He will seek to revive the nationalist movement according to his vision.”
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If anything, he wrote, Hitler had grown “more mature, calmer, more calculating in his convictions.”
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In September 1924, the warden of Landsberg Prison, where Hitler was serving a five-year sentence for his failed Beer Hall Putsch, reported that incarceration had done nothing to temper the Nazi leader’s authoritarian impulses.
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And a decade earlier, at a moment when Hitler was effectively a stateless immigrant in Germany, Held had been unable to deport him from the country.
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The ironies of history can be multilayered. Heinrich Held understood the threat that Hitler posed to democracy long before most people had ever heard of National Socialism or its leader.
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The New York Times reported that Hitler’s efforts to “steamroller” the country on his path to unchecked power were proving successful.
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With Held gone, the Reich governor assumed full authority over Bavaria. “With the führer at midday when we receive the latest news from Munich,” Joseph Goebbels wrote in his diary on March 15. “There can no longer be talk of resistance anywhere.”
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Fritz Schäffer was accosted and beaten on the street, then hustled to the Nazi Party headquarters in Munich for interrogation. Held was forced from his official residence, and his family was threatened; eventually, he was forced to flee to Switzerland.
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Unable to close a deal, Hitler returned to Berlin. But Hitler didn’t need a deal. Instead, he unleashed his own storm troopers—both the SA and the SS—on Bavaria. The Bavaria Watch did not mobilize. Prince Rupprecht did not intervene.
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Lex assured Hitler that Minister President Held had matters in Bavaria well in hand, and explained that having won more than 1 million votes in the latest election, Held represented “a solid and unshakable” political force, supported by the martial force of 30,000 armed men of the Bavaria Watch.
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However, “one could not,” Lex continued, “align with Christian values, for example, a terrorist action that saw political opponents randomly snatched and thrown up against a wall.”
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For instance, Lex said, he could in good conscience imagine placing “1,000 Social Democratic functionaries” in protective custody—but only so long as they were detained within the parameters of the law and were “treated humanely.”
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Lex cautioned Hitler that the degree to which the Bavarian People’s Party would be willing to cooperate with the National Socialists was limited.